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November 2007
Volume 21,
Number 11

  Reflections  



Ross Levatter is a physician living in Phoenix.

Cry me an interview The new book "Dead Certain" by Robert Draper, based on the author's interviews with President Bush, led to this AOL headline: " 'I Cry A Lot,' [Bush] Reveals."

This is not surprising. His years in office have had that effect on many people. — Ross Levatter

David T. Beito is an associate professor of history at the University of Alabama, and author of Taxpayers in Revolt and From Mutual Aid to the Welfare State.

Peace with body bags Samuel Johnson described patriotism as the last refuge of a scoundrel. If he had seen the recent GOP candidates' debate, he might have put "honor" in the place of "patriotism." "We've got a responsibility to the honor of this country," Mike Huckabee lectured Ron Paul, "and the honor of every man and woman who has served in Iraq and our military to not leave them with anything less than the honor they deserve."

Huckabee was following a long and dubious tradition in American politics. Those who praised him uncritically would do well to remember the story of a Republican politician who tried the same thing in 1968. Richard Nixon successfully smacked down the Ron Pauls of his generation by touting "peace with honor, rather than retreat and defeat." After winning the election, he turned down the chance for a peace treaty that would facilitate rapid American withdrawal. He said it would not bring an "honorable peace."

In 1973, however, he signed a treaty that had essentially the same terms as the one he shunned in 1969. In the meantime, more than 20,000 Americans had died needlessly, all for the sake of "honor." It would be a tragedy if the American people in 2008 were gullible enough to buy this snake oil for a second time. — David Beito

Stephen Cox is a professor of literature at the University of California San Diego and the author of The Woman and the Dynamo: Isabel Paterson and the Idea of America.

Out of the water closet Some men have a filthy habit of performing sex acts in public restrooms. They enjoy the risk and (often) the degradation. Big deal. On the rare occasions when I've seen a hand or a foot emerging from beneath the stall partition, I've let my neighbor know how annoyed I am to be bothered in this way. But I haven't demanded that he be arrested, or that a police officer be deputed to guard my chastity by squatting among the toilets to entrap other people.

If the cops arrested everyone who annoyed me, or even endangered me, in a public restroom, the jails would be full. My first candidates for persecution would be the idiots who piss on the toilet seat, thus rendering it unusable for anyone else. No one mounts a sting operation to get those people. And what about the guys who fail to wash their hands before opening the outside door? I'd like to see them in jail, too, and see them headed there long before people like Sen. Larry Craig, a halfwit who is mainly just a danger to himself. Yet despite these pleasing fantasies of arrests and chain gangs, I really can't regard such repulsive deeds as criminal. Much less can I view attempts to arouse my sex drive as felonious.

But oh! says everyone but Arlen Specter, Barney Frank, and Rush Limbaugh — the strange trinity who remained more or less in charge of their faculties while the rest of the country went berserk over the Great Craig Scandal — but oh! what about the children! Should innocent children be forced to watch while men have sex in restrooms?

Well, no. But that's not what's going on. This kind of sex is clandestine, and it would remain so if the cops didn't show up to drag the participants out of the stalls. So spare me the business about the kids, and I won't be tempted to discuss the ugly images of sexuality to which children are exposed merely by flipping through the mainstream TV channels. The Victorians weren't the last people to be hypocrites about sex. Our culture is soaking in hypocrisy.

Now look. If you're the proprietor of a store or the manager of an airport, and you don't like what some of your customers are doing in the restroom, kick them out. If you don't like what your senator is doing in Washington, kick him out, too. But what made Sen. Craig's actions subject to legal retribution was simply the American public's ineradicable anxiety and stupidity about sex. — Stephen Cox

Gary Jason is a university instructor and a contributing editor to Liberty.

Credit where repayment's due One of Bush's more controversial initiatives was his reform of the nation's scandalous bankruptcy laws. Not a few of our fellow citizens were running up their credit cards to astronomical levels, and then burning their creditors by "going BK," thus passing on their debts to the rest of us.

When Bush signed the Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act ("BAPCPA") in 2005, prominent Democrats and populist pundits prophesized that innocent poor and elderly would be horribly squeezed by predatory banks and credit card companies. Self-styled "watchdog" organizations such as Consumers Union and (of course!) the National Association of Consumer Bank Attorneys described the new law in apocalyptic terms.

Essentially, the old law allowed people to receive easy Chapter 7 bankruptcy protection from their debts, irrespective of income level. Not surprisingly, under that easy standard, bankruptcy filings went from 300,000 in 1980 to 1.5 million (!) in 2004. Indeed, the abuse was accelerating, with bankruptcies rising almost 80% from 1995 to 2004.

Under the new law, individuals above median income — which excludes the poor, most of the elderly, and those in financial distress because of medical problems, divorce, or military service — were required to file for Chapter 13 protection, which means that they would have to file a plan to repay at least some of what they owed.

This is one law that seems to have worked as intended. Not only have bankruptcy filings dropped dramatically to about half the earlier level, but the percentage of those filing with above-median incomes has gone from 20% to essentially zero!

A lot more work remains to be done to reform our dysfunctional legal system and, since Bush is a lame duck facing a Democrat-controlled Congress, it is clear that tort reform or other kinds of legal reforms will not occur. Trial lawyers are the biggest contributors to the Democrats. Still, the 2005 BAPCPA was a nice step. — Gary Jason

Jim Walsh is an assistant editor of Liberty.

Aaron Russo, RIP At the Libertarian Party convention during the summer of 2004, the presidential nomination was competitive. Aaron Russo drew the most votes on the first two ballots but lost on the third ballot, when his two main rivals combined their support.

That convention was the first time that many libertarians had heard of Russo. He was a "Hollywood guy" who struck a few as abrasive . . . but many more as passionate and direct.

Russo was a strong character. He was born in working-class Brooklyn but raised in the middle-class suburbs on Long Island; he had an intense personality and restless intelligence. While still a high school student, Russo started producing local rock and roll concerts. His intensity was a good fit for what could be a tough business.

In the late 1960s, the music business took Russo to Chicago. He owned a popular nightclub called Kinetic Playground; and "kinetic" was a good word for the man. He made a national reputation in the music industry during those years — working as a promoter or manager for acts like Led Zeppelin, the Who, the Grateful Dead, and Janis Joplin. While rock-and-roll paid the bills, Russo's musical interests were broad, including Chicago's jazz and blues scenes; and he developed an autodidact's interest in everything from art to history to politics.

In the early 1970s, he took over as business manager for the New York-based cabaret singer Bette Midler. Under Russo's management, Midler grew from a quirky singer on the fringes of the New York scene to a major recording artist. He booked Midler on Broadway, teaming her with jazz great Lionel Hampton in the extremely popular "Clams on the Half-Shell Revue."

When Hollywood called Midler, Russo followed. He was a driving force behind her first movie — a fictionalized version of Janis Joplin's life called "The Rose." Midler earned an Academy Award nomination for the part; Russo earned a producer credit and . . . entry. Through the 1970s and 1980s, he settled into a career as a Hollywood macher. His movies included "Trading Places," "Wise Guys," and "Rude Awakening."

In the early 1990s, Russo had some major tax disputes with the IRS and California state authorities and was inspired to get active in politics by Ross Perot's maverick presidential campaign. Russo formed the Constitution Party, which had a small-government platform similar to that of the Libertarian Party. Perhaps too similar. The new party failed to get off the ground.

In 1994, Russo created the pilot for a one-hour political TV show he called "Aaron Russo's Mad as Hell." The show, expanding on the style of political comedians like Dennis Miller and Bill Maher, highlighted libertarian views on the IRS, Social Security, and NAFTA. Unable to find a syndicator for the show, Russo sold the pilot as a video with some success.

Russo made his first formal bid for political office in 1998, when he sought the Republican nomination for governor of Nevada. He came in second in the primary, drawing over 25% of the vote in a four-way race.

The following year, Russo joined the Libertarian Party. In 2000, he delivered a fiery speech at its national convention, calling the LP the "last, best hope for freedom in America." He planned to run again for governor of Nevada in 2002; but, early that year, he was diagnosed with bladder cancer. He put politics on hold while getting treatment for the disease.

In January 2004, with his cancer apparently in remission, Russo announced that he would seek the LP's nomination to run for president. On the campaign trail, he hammered out a clear vision:

I will bring our troops home from every corner of the globe. I'll revoke the Patriot Act. I'll cut taxes, cut spending. I'll cut the size of government. I'll stop corporate welfare. I'll engage all nations in trade and commerce. I'll protect our air and water, and I'll protect our borders. But, most importantly, I will protect our Constitution and Bill of Rights.

After several close ballots, though, Russo fell short of the votes he needed.

Next, Russo turned his attention to the tax protest movement. He wrote, produced, directed, and starred in a documentary feature called "America: From Freedom to Fascism." The film positioned Russo as the Michael Moore of tax protest. Promoting the film, he said:

[T]he IRS is putting people in jail for no reason, no law. In 1894, the Congress tried to pass a law but the Supreme Court shot it down. In 1916, the Supreme Court . . . said that the U.S. government did not have the authority to tax the labor of the people. Income as a corporate gain is taxable; it doesn't mean your labor is taxable. Each person owns their own life and their own labor. . . . I will do everything in my power to shut down this system, this Federal Reserve system, and this takeover of our government by them. It's about freedom of the individual, not about institutions.

The tax protest movement is reviled by establishment media — and the response to Russo's film reflected this. A New York Times article made snide reference to the tax liens resulting from Russo's disputes with the IRS as the real reason for his political beliefs.

In the end, though, Russo's cancer was a far bigger problem than the bitchiness of the New York Times. Earlier this year, it returned and — on August 24 — prevailed.

Aaron Russo was 64. His children and his long-time girlfriend were with him at the end.

Russo generated lots of quotable soundbites during his several campaigns. One, from the 2004 presidential run, stands out: "I believe there are millions and millions of unheard voices in America who would come out and vote for someone they believed in."

Amen, brother. — Jim Walsh

© Copyright 2008, Liberty Foundation


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